🔥'BREAST TAX- In the early 19th century Kerala (India), Women from. the lower cast were not allowed to cover their breast. If. they wanted to they had to pay 'MULAKARAM' meaning. 'BREAST TAX'.
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✅भारत का विधि आयोग (LCI):- (#UPSC #Prelims #Mains)
➡️ चर्चा में क्यों:- सेवानिवृत्त उच्च न्यायालय के मुख्य न्यायाधीश ऋतुराज अवस्थी को भारत के 22वें विधि आयोग का अध्यक्ष नियुक्त किया गया है, जिसका गठन 2020 में किया गया था।
✅भारत के विधि आयोग (एलसीआई) के बारे में:-
➡️भारत का विधि आयोग एक गैर-वैधानिक निकाय है जिसका गठन भारत सरकार द्वारा समय-समय पर किया जाता है।
➡️स्वतंत्र भारत का पहला विधि आयोग 1955 में तीन साल के कार्यकाल के लिए स्थापित किया गया था।
➡️पहला विधि आयोग 1834 में ब्रिटिश राज काल के दौरान 1833 के चार्टर अधिनियम द्वारा स्थापित किया गया था और इसकी अध्यक्षता लॉर्ड मैकाले ने की थी।
✅एलसीआई के उद्देश्य:-
➡️यह कानून और न्याय मंत्रालय के सलाहकार निकाय के रूप में काम करता है।
➡️ विधि आयोग कानून में अनुसंधान करता है और भारत में मौजूदा कानूनों की समीक्षा करता है ताकि उनमें सुधार किया जा सके और केंद्र सरकार या स्वत: संज्ञान से दिए गए संदर्भ पर नए कानून बनाए जा सकें।
✅एलसीआई की संरचना:-
➡️एक पूर्णकालिक अध्यक्ष के अलावा, आयोग में एक सदस्य-सचिव सहित चार पूर्णकालिक सदस्य होंगे।
➡️कानून मंत्रालय में कानून और विधायी सचिव आयोग के पदेन सदस्य होंगे।
➡️इसमें पांच से अधिक अंशकालिक सदस्य भी नहीं होंगे।
➡️सुप्रीम कोर्ट के एक सेवानिवृत्त न्यायाधीश या उच्च न्यायालय के मुख्य न्यायाधीश आयोग के प्रमुख होंगे।
✅आयोग की महत्वपूर्ण सिफ़ारिशें:-
➡️ विधि आयोग ने अपनी 262वीं रिपोर्ट में आतंकवाद से संबंधित अपराधों और राज्य के खिलाफ युद्ध छेड़ने को छोड़कर सभी अपराधों के लिए मौत की सजा को खत्म करने की सिफारिश की।
➡️चुनावी सुधारों पर इसकी रिपोर्ट (1999) ने शासन और स्थिरता में सुधार के लिए लोकसभा और राज्य विधानसभा चुनावों को एक साथ कराने का सुझाव दिया था।
➡️ आपराधिक प्रक्रिया (पहचान) अधिनियम, 2022 जो कैदियों की पहचान अधिनियम, 1920 की जगह लेता है, भी भारत के विधि आयोग द्वारा प्रस्तावित किया गया था।
➡️21वें विधि आयोग ने 2018 में अपनी सिफारिश में कहा था कि समान नागरिक संहिता (यूसीसी) “इस स्तर पर न तो आवश्यक है और न ही वांछनीय” है।
➡️अब, केंद्र ने भारत के 22वें विधि आयोग से इससे संबंधित विभिन्न मुद्दों की जांच करने का अनुरोध किया है
🔥The Hindu 27 June 2023 I NA | Balance Diet
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✅ The Indian diaspora has grown manifold since the first batch of Indians were taken to counties in the eastern pacific and the Caribbean islands under the ‘Girmitiya’ arrangement as indentured laborers.
✅ Classifications:
➡️ Non-Resident Indians (NRI): NRIs are Indians who are residents of foreign countries. A person is considered NRI if:
🔷 She/he is not in India for 182 days or more during the financial year Or;
🔷 If he/she is in India for less than 365 days during the 4 years preceding that year and less than 60 days in that year.
➡️ Persons of Indian Origin (PIOs): PIO refers to a foreign citizen (except a national of Pakistan, Afghanistan Bangladesh, China, Iran, Bhutan, Sri Lanka and Nepal) who:
🔷 At any time held an Indian passport
🔷 or who or either of their parents/ grandparents/great grandparents was born and permanently resided in India as defined in the Government of India Act, 1935
🔷 or who is a spouse of a citizen of India or a PIO.
🔷 The PIO category was abolished in 2015 and merged with the OCI category.
➡️ Overseas Citizens of India (OCIs): A separate category of OCI was carved out in 2005. An OCI card was given to a foreign national:
🔷 Who was eligible to be a citizen of India on January 26, 1950
🔷 Was a citizen of India on or at any time after January 26, 1950
🔷 or belonged to a territory that became part of India after August 15, 1947.
🔷 Minor children of such individuals, except those who were a citizen of Pakistan or Bangladesh, were also eligible for OCI cards
✅ गिरमिटिया व्यवस्था के तहत गिरमिटिया व्यवस्था के तहत भारतीयों के पहले बैच को पूर्वी प्रशांत और कैरेबियाई द्वीपों में गिरमिटिया मजदूरों के रूप में ले जाए जाने के बाद से प्रवासी भारतीयों की संख्या कई गुना बढ़ गई है।
✅ वर्गीकरण:
➡️ अनिवासी भारतीय (एनआरआई): एनआरआई वे भारतीय हैं जो विदेशों के निवासी हैं। किसी व्यक्ति को एनआरआई माना जाता है यदि:
🔷 वह वित्तीय वर्ष के दौरान 182 दिन या उससे अधिक समय तक भारत में नहीं है या;
🔷 यदि वह उस वर्ष से पहले के 4 वर्षों के दौरान 365 दिनों से कम और उस वर्ष 60 दिनों से कम समय के लिए भारत में है।
➡️ भारतीय मूल के व्यक्ति (पीआईओ): पीआईओ एक विदेशी नागरिक को संदर्भित करता है (पाकिस्तान, अफगानिस्तान बांग्लादेश, चीन, ईरान, भूटान, श्रीलंका और नेपाल के नागरिकों को छोड़कर) जो:
🔷 किसी भी समय भारतीय पासपोर्ट धारण किया हो
🔷 या जो या उनके माता-पिता/दादा-दादी/परदादा में से कोई एक भारत सरकार अधिनियम, 1935 में परिभाषित अनुसार भारत में पैदा हुआ था और स्थायी रूप से निवास करता था।
🔷 या जो भारत के नागरिक या पीआईओ का जीवनसाथी हो।
🔷 PIO श्रेणी को 2015 में समाप्त कर दिया गया और OCI श्रेणी में विलय कर दिया गया।
➡️ भारत के विदेशी नागरिक (ओसीआई): 2005 में ओसीआई की एक अलग श्रेणी बनाई गई थी। एक विदेशी नागरिक को ओसीआई कार्ड दिया जाता था:
🔷 जो 26 जनवरी 1950 को भारत का नागरिक बनने के योग्य था
🔷 26 जनवरी 1950 को या उसके बाद किसी भी समय भारत का नागरिक था
🔷 या उस क्षेत्र से संबंधित था जो 15 अगस्त 1947 के बाद भारत का हिस्सा बन गया।
🔷 ऐसे व्यक्तियों के नाबालिग बच्चे, सिवाय उन लोगों के जो पाकिस्तान या बांग्लादेश के नागरिक थे, भी ओसीआई कार्ड के लिए पात्र थे।
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Editorial: Outreach to diaspora and statesmanship
In a speech while addressing the Tamil diaspora in Tokyo in the course of his overseas tour in May 2023, to Singapore and Japan, to attract investments to the State, the Tamil Nadu Chief Minister, M.K. Stalin, had said that the Government of Tamil Nadu would protect the Tamil diaspora that has spread far and wide in search of education, business, and employment.
He added that protecting the Tamil language meant protecting the Tamil community. He held forth the promise that his government and the ruling Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (DMK) would extend all support to the Tamil community.
Among the Indian diaspora, Tamils constitute a substantial number.
They form the overwhelming majority of the Indian population in Malaysia, Singapore, and Sri Lanka, are in good numbers in Myanmar, Mauritius, South Africa, the Seychelles, the Re-Union Islands, Fiji, Trinidad and Tobago, Guyana, Suriname, Australia, New Zealand, the Gulf countries, the United States and Canada, Britain and the European countries.
These dynamic groups have three identities — first, the Tamil identity; second, the Indian identity, and third, the identity of the countries in which they have settled.
Equally interesting is the phenomenon of the diaspora of the diaspora.
It would be simplistic and naïve to assume that the hopes that they entertain and the problems that they face are identical.
It is closely related to the nature of their migration, their numerical numbers, their educational and professional attainments, their economic clout, and, above all, the majority-minority syndrome in the host countries.
The Tamil diaspora has excelled in politics, economics, literature, the fine arts, sports, and science.
A few names that shine include Dr. Chandrasekhar, Monty Naicker, Sambandan, Indira Nooyi, Sundar Pichai, Raghuram Rajan, Kamala Harris etc.
Host country policies, their impact
As far as neighbouring countries are concerned, bilateral relations have two dimensions.
The first is to improve relations with governments, politically, economically, and culturally.
The second is to protect and foster the interests of Indian minority groups
An overview of India’s policy towards Sri Lanka shows that to improve political relations, New Delhi, on some occasions, was willing to sacrifice the interests of the Indian diaspora.
The Sirimavo-Shastri Pact of October 1964 is an example of betrayal. New Delhi adopted the policy of give and take and converted the Indian Tamil community into merchandise to be divided between the two countries.
It must be highlighted that all important leaders of the Madras Presidency, Rajagopalachari, Kamaraj Nadar, C.N. Annadurai, P. Ramamurti, and Krishna Menon were opposed to the agreement.
Mr. Stalin has highlighted the necessity to protect and promote the Tamil language.
But the sad fact remains is that in many countries, the Tamil community has forgotten the Tamil language, one of the key elements of Tamil culture.
Editorial : The united States of India
In an important discussion in The Hindu, the scholars argued that what distinguishes the south from the north politically is its language of politics, its regional parties and their demand for more power to the States, its multiple languages and cultures, its countercultures built through various anti-caste, anti-Brahmin and rationalist movements, its higher economic status and its investment in education, modern institutions, industrial infrastructure, etc. while the north lagged in most of these aspects.
Linguistic movements
To understand that, we must look at the most important historical factor that distinguishes the two regions: the linguistic nationality movements, which imagined India as a federation of nationalities.
While the north imagined India as a homogenous nation that resonates with the Hindi-Hindu-Hindustan slogan, the south aspired to build India as a federation of nationalities.
The print and publishing culture led to the formation of distinct linguistic public spheres in the south, which were further consolidated by cinema.
By the early 20th century, different linguistic communities in the south began to claim nationality status for themselves.
The leaders were inspired by the political developments in Europe where, in the aftermath of major revolutions, new nations were founded based on linguistic identity with the political objective of achieving ‘popular sovereignty.’
Linguistic identity had proven to be secular, flexible and more inclusive than religious or racial identities, so the then Madras Presidency leaders consciously tried to cultivate it.
The middle-class intelligentsia from the south recognised the crucial connection between language and liberal democracy.
Language being not a barrier
For a democracy to function, it is essential to employ the language of the common people in the domains of education, administration and judiciary, without which equality and justice cannot be realised.
Also, to perform this new role, people’s languages needed to be modernised adequately. However, all these, it was believed, would be possible only when India was created as a federation of nationalities.
These languages would perish if India were forced into a single homogenous nation.
Even a cursory look at the condition of the languages of the south today makes it clear that such fears are vindicated.
The need for a strong bond
India is not a nation but a subcontinent of multiple nationalities (similar to the European Union), and a unitary India would be unsuitable for democracy, which required the sovereign-citizens to participate in the decision-making processes of the nation-state actively.
They argued that no single language could facilitate such a process for the entire subcontinent.
Moreover, a strong nation needs strong bonding among its people. But the population of the Indian subcontinent spoke multiple languages, so no single language could bind them all as a national community.
The idea that Hindi could keep India together, a fallacy that continues even today, emanates from the gross misunderstanding that it could bind people who do not speak it.
We know that the French language could unite the people who spoke it. Or Tamil could unite the people who used it in their everyday life.
However, to believe that Hindi could unite people from Kerala and Punjab or West Bengal who do not speak that language is to believe in the impossible.
Conclusion
After independence, the Congress made peace with the south through a compromise formula of agreeing to create linguistic States with limited powers granted by the Constitution.
The right-wing Hindu groups vehemently opposed the idea of the federation and continue to do so as it would undermine their dream of creating a homogenous Hindu nation.
In the end, while the Indian state has triumphed over the nationalities of the south, the ghosts of the latter continue to haunt the champions of the former, at least during elections.
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Why Punjab and Haryana Matter
Punjab and Haryana have been India’s breadbasket and crucial contributors to its food security, especially post the Green Revolution.
But over the last two decades though, the two states’ combined share in total wheat procurement for the Central food-grain pool has fallen from 90% to 70%. For Rice, it has been from 43-44% to 28-29%.
Reason Behind Decline of Two States’ Share in Central Procurement Pool
1. The Diversification of Procurement
Traditionally, the procurement of wheat was concentrated in Punjab and Haryana.
For rice, the procurement in central pool was mainly from Punjab, Haryana, Andhra Pradesh, and Tamil Nadu.
Now, with the diversification of procurement, other states have started contributing to central pool.
2. State governments are also establishing infrastructure for purchase of grain at minimum support prices (MSP) from farmers.
For example, MP briefly overtook Punjab as the top contributor to the Central pool in 2019-20 for wheat.
In rice, Telangana has emerged as a clear number two behind Punjab, with Chhattisgarh, Odisha, and UP making impressive strides over the past decade.
Impact of Climatic factors on Procurement:
1. Bad monsoon/weather - Low procurement as result of poor harvest: The contribution of most states to wheat procurement has tended to be high largely in “fair-weather” years delivering excellent harvests, such as 2019-20 and 2020-21.
The immediate impact of a subnormal monsoon would be on the kharif crops, the sowings of which have barely taken off.
Rice crop may face difficulty because it is a highly water-intensive and requires at least 25 irrigations in the absence of rain.
2. Role of El Nino
El Niño has been associated with monsoon failures in India. Thus, 2014, 2015 and 2018 recorded subnormal rainfall – and all three were El Niño years.
On the other hand, the country enjoyed four consecutive years of good monsoon from 2019 to 2022.
3. Current Situation of El Nino: Its earlier-than-anticipated arrival, and sudden gain in strength between March and May, has cast a shadow over rain in the remaining part of the season. And it will lead to a subnormal rainfall.
Moreover, if El Niño is going to get stronger, the impact could extend to the rabi (winter-spring) crops.
These, particularly wheat, are grown using groundwater and dam reservoirs that are recharged/refilled during the monsoon.
A subnormal monsoon can hit both rice and wheat production which can challenge the food security in the country.
How Can Punjab and Haryana become the saviour states?
In Punjab and Haryana farmers have assured access to irrigation.
Even in the event of a poor monsoon, farmers would be able to safeguard their crop because of the presence of 15 lakh electric tube-wells in the state.
The Punjab government is supplying eight hours of uninterrupted free power daily to run these tube-wells during the four-month paddy season (from transplanting to harvesting).
Paddy yields in Punjab actually tend to go up during low rainfall years. That’s because farmers then rely solely on groundwater and irrigate their fields accordingly.
Conclusion:
Assured irrigation access has made the two states the most reliable producers of rice and wheat, which will matter in a bad monsoon year.
For a long time, policymakers and economists have advocated weaning away Punjab and Haryana farmers from rice and also cutting back wheat acreage.
But today, in a scenario of poor government stocks and soaring rice prices globally, it’s these farmers who may play saviour yet again.
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#Spotlight-INDIA-USA Partnership A Defining Moment of 21st Century
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#Surkhiyon Mein (सुर्खियों_में) जी-20 शिक्षा मंत्रियों की बैठक पर चर्चा
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#Surkhiyon Mein (सुर्खियों_में) समुद्र में जैव विविधता की रक्षा के लिए संयुक्त राष्ट्र की ऐतिहासिक संधि पर चर्चा
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🔥👉Alcohol is injurious to health
👉Over time, excessive alcohol use can lead to the development of chronic diseases and other serious problems including: High blood pressure, heart disease, stroke, liver disease, and digestive problems. Cancer of the breast, mouth, throat, esophagus, voice box, liver, colon, and rectum.
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✅Law Commission of India (LCI) (#UPSC #Prelims #Mains)
➡️Why in News:- Retired High Court Chief Justice Rituraj Awasthi has been appointed as the chairperson of the 22nd law commission of India which was constituted in 2020.
✅About Law Commission of India (LCI)
➡️The Law Commission of India is a non-statutory body constituted by the Government of India from time to time.
➡️The first Law Commission of independent India was established in 1955 for a three-year term.
➡️The first Law Commission was established during the British Raj era in 1834 by the Charter Act of 1833 and was chaired by Lord Macaulay.
✅Objectives of the LCI:
➡️It works as an advisory body to the Ministry of Law and Justice.
➡️The Law Commission undertakes research in law and review of existing laws in India for making reforms therein and enacting new legislations on a reference made to it by the Central Government or suo-motu.
✅Composition of the LCI::
➡️Apart from having a full-time chairperson, the commission will have four full-time members, including a member-secretary.
➡️Law and Legislative Secretaries in the Law Ministry will be the ex-officio members of the commission.
➡️It will also have not more than five part-time members.
➡️A retired Supreme Court judge or Chief Justice of a High Court will head the Commission.
✅Important Recommendations of the Commission
➡️The Law Commission in its 262nd Report recommended abolition of the death penalty for all crimes except terrorism-related offences and waging war against the state.
➡️Its report on electoral reforms (1999) had suggested simultaneous Lok Sabha and state assembly elections to improve governance and stability.
➡️The Criminal Procedure (Identification) Act, 2022 which replace the Identification of Prisoners Act,1920 was also proposed by the Law Commission of India.
➡️The 21st Law commission in its recommendation in 2018 said that Uniform Civil Code (UCC) is “neither necessary nor desirable at this stage”.
➡️Now, the center has requested the 22nd Law Commission of India to undertake an examination of various issues relating to the same
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Federal camaraderie is essential
The policy towards the Indian diaspora comes under the exclusive jurisdiction of the central government. Even then, State governments can influence policies by building public opinion.
What is essential, in the present context, is camaraderie and friendship between the Narendra Modi government and the DMK government.
The Citizenship (Amendment) Act (CAA), could have used the term ‘persecuted minorities’.
The CAA also does not include Sri Lanka, where ethnic fratricide has compelled many Tamils to come to Tamil Nadu as refugees.
New Delhi terms Sri Lankan Tamil refugees as illegal immigrants and argues that they must go back to Sri Lanka.
Way forward
The need of the hour is for the state and central government to come together and arrive at an amicable solution. This calls for statesmanship, not political opportunism.
Conclusion
Instead of trying to have cordial relations with the central government, a policy of confrontation by Tamil Nadu would be self-defeating. What the refugees want is Indian citizenship. All of them fulfil the residential qualifications laid down in the Indian Citizenship Act. What is more, Sri Lankan Tamil refugees are willing to surrender their Sri Lankan citizenship to get Indian citizenship.
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पंजाब और हरियाणा क्यों मायने रखते हैं?
पंजाब और हरियाणा भारत की रोटी की टोकरी रहे हैं और इसकी खाद्य सुरक्षा में महत्वपूर्ण योगदानकर्ता रहे हैं, खासकर हरित क्रांति के बाद।
लेकिन पिछले दो दशकों में, केंद्रीय खाद्यान्न पूल के लिए कुल गेहूं खरीद में दोनों राज्यों की संयुक्त हिस्सेदारी 90% से गिरकर 70% हो गई है। चावल के लिए यह 43-44% से 28-29% हो गया है।
केंद्रीय खरीद पूल में दो राज्यों की हिस्सेदारी घटने के पीछे कारण
1. खरीद का विविधीकरण
परंपरागत रूप से, गेहूं की खरीद पंजाब और हरियाणा में केंद्रित थी।
चावल के लिए, केंद्रीय पूल में खरीद मुख्य रूप से पंजाब, हरियाणा, आंध्र प्रदेश और तमिलनाडु से की गई थी।
अब, खरीद के विविधीकरण के साथ, अन्य राज्यों ने केंद्रीय पूल में योगदान देना शुरू कर दिया है।
2. राज्य सरकारें किसानों से न्यूनतम समर्थन मूल्य (एमएसपी) पर अनाज की खरीद के लिए बुनियादी ढांचे की स्थापना भी कर रही हैं।
उदाहरण के लिए, एमपी ने 2019-20 में गेहूं के लिए केंद्रीय पूल में शीर्ष योगदानकर्ता के रूप में पंजाब को पीछे छोड़ दिया।
चावल के मामले में, तेलंगाना पंजाब के बाद स्पष्ट रूप से नंबर दो के रूप में उभरा है, जबकि छत्तीसगढ़, ओडिशा और यूपी ने पिछले दशक में प्रभावशाली प्रगति की है।
खरीद पर जलवायु कारकों का प्रभाव:
1. खराब मानसून/मौसम - खराब फसल के परिणामस्वरूप कम खरीद: गेहूं की खरीद में अधिकांश राज्यों का योगदान बड़े पैमाने पर "उचित मौसम" वाले वर्षों में अधिक रहा है, जिससे उत्कृष्ट फसल हुई है, जैसे कि 2019-20 और 2020-21।
सामान्य से कम मानसून का तत्काल प्रभाव ख़रीफ़ फसलों पर पड़ेगा, जिनकी बुआई मुश्किल से हुई है।
चावल की फसल को कठिनाई का सामना करना पड़ सकता है क्योंकि इसमें पानी की अत्यधिक आवश्यकता होती है और बारिश के अभाव में कम से कम 25 सिंचाई की आवश्यकता होती है।
2. अल नीनो की भूमिका
अल नीनो को भारत में मानसून की विफलता से जोड़ा गया है। इस प्रकार, 2014, 2015 और 2018 में सामान्य से कम वर्षा दर्ज की गई - और ये तीनों अल नीनो वर्ष थे।
दूसरी ओर, देश ने 2019 से 2022 तक लगातार चार वर्षों तक अच्छे मानसून का आनंद लिया।
3. अल नीनो की वर्तमान स्थिति: इसके अनुमान से पहले आगमन और मार्च और मई के बीच अचानक ताकत बढ़ने से मौसम के शेष भाग में बारिश पर संकट मंडरा रहा है। और इससे सामान्य से कम बारिश होगी।
इसके अलावा, यदि अल नीनो मजबूत होता है, तो इसका प्रभाव रबी (शीतकालीन-वसंत) फसलों तक फैल सकता है।
ये, विशेष रूप से गेहूं, भूजल और बांध जलाशयों का उपयोग करके उगाए जाते हैं जो मानसून के दौरान रिचार्ज/रीफिल होते हैं।
सामान्य से कम मानसून चावल और गेहूं दोनों के उत्पादन को प्रभावित कर सकता है जो देश में खाद्य सुरक्षा को चुनौती दे सकता है।
पंजाब और हरियाणा कैसे बन सकते हैं रक्षक राज्य?
पंजाब और हरियाणा में किसानों को सिंचाई तक पहुंच का आश्वासन दिया गया है।
राज्य में 15 लाख विद्युत ट्यूबवेल होने से खराब मानसून की स्थिति में भी किसान अपनी फसल की सुरक्षा कर सकेंगे।
पंजाब सरकार चार महीने के धान के मौसम (रोपाई से कटाई तक) के दौरान इन ट्यूबवेलों को चलाने के लिए प्रतिदिन आठ घंटे निर्बाध मुफ्त बिजली की आपूर्ति कर रही है।
पंजाब में धान की पैदावार वास्तव में कम वर्षा वाले वर्षों में बढ़ जाती है। ऐसा इसलिए है क्योंकि किसान तब पूरी तरह से भूजल पर निर्भर रहते हैं और उसी के अनुसार अपने खेतों की सिंचाई करते हैं।
निष्कर्ष:
सुनिश्चित सिंचाई पहुंच ने दोनों राज्यों को चावल और गेहूं का सबसे विश्वसनीय उत्पादक बना दिया है, जो खराब मानसून वर्ष में मायने रखेगा।
लंबे समय से, नीति निर्माताओं और अर्थशास्त्रियों ने पंजाब और हरियाणा के किसानों को चावल से दूर रखने और गेहूं के रकबे में भी कटौती करने की वकालत की है।
लेकिन आज, खराब सरकारी स्टॉक और वैश्विक स्तर पर चावल की बढ़ती कीमतों के परिदृश्य में, ये किसान ही हैं जो फिर से रक्षक की भूमिका निभा सकते हैं।
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